Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Pronominal Clitics

beggars can be choosers on vowel epenthesis n.w
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Explore the intricate system of pronominal clitics in Catalan grammar, focusing on contextual and dialectal variations, as well as the challenges in learning pronouns. Discover the complexities of epenthetic vowels and their insertion only when necessary based on the Economy Principle.

  • Catalan grammar
  • Pronominal clitics
  • Vowel epenthesis
  • Language variation
  • Learning challenges
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  1. Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics Jes s Jim nez (Universitat de Val ncia) Workshop on Ibero-Romance Phonology and Morphology, UCL, London, 18 March 2014

  2. The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex element of Catalan grammar. (Wheeler 2005: 341) 2

  3. Main difficult issues Contextual variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/: I. em passa m ataca me la passa s/he passes me s/he attacks me s/he passes it FEM to me passa ls passar-los passa-mos-els pass them ACC MASC to us pass them ACC MASC to pass them ACC MASC 3

  4. Main difficult issues II. Dialectal variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/: em ~ me passa m ataca me la passa passa ls ~ -los passar-los passa-mos-els ~ -mos-los ~ -mo ls 4

  5. Main difficult issues III. Polysemic forms: Valencian els /l+z/: els passa cada dia them ACC MASC s/he passes them every day els passa la sal them DAT s/he passes them the salt 5

  6. Main difficult issues IV. Non-transparent syncretic forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional): Standard Valencian: els els passa Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones): li ls passa lit. to him/her them ACC MASC els ho passa lit. to them that li ho passa lit. to him/her that li ho s passa lit. to him/her that PL to them them ACC MASC 6

  7. Problems learning pronouns? No wonder M he passat la nit somiant amb els pronoms febles. (Mart , Poble Nou, 1994) Last night I had a thousand nigthmares... about weak pronouns! 7

  8. Main focus of this talk: Variation Contextual variation & I. II. Dialectal variation & The choice of epenthetic vowels 8

  9. A variation OT can deal with The syllabification of pronominal clitics obeys the Economy Principle: E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary. 9

  10. A variation OT can deal with Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascar (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todol (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret & Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)... 10

  11. A variation OT can deal with Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005), Colina (1995), Jim nez & Todol (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jim nez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)... 11

  12. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? syllable structure /m/ 12

  13. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure /m/ 13

  14. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure /m/ morphological integrity (contiguity) 14

  15. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure /m/ morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness 15

  16. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure paradigmatic pressure /m/ morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness 16

  17. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure paradigmatic pressure /m/ formal iconicity morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness 17

  18. Why are clitics so appealing to OT? phonological well-formedness conditions syllable structure paradigmatic pressure . . . /m/ formal iconicity morphological integrity (contiguity) faithfulness 18

  19. Outline of the presentation I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics (basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints II. Underlying representation of clitics III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel IV. (Morpho)phonologically conditioned allomorph selection 19

  20. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics /m#pasa/ 20

  21. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics /m#pasa/ a. me p sa b. em p sa 21

  22. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics 1. Syllabic well-formedness constraints: *PEAK/CONS & OTHERS (* -STRUC) ONSET *CODA *COMPLEXCODA ... 22

  23. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics 2. Faithfulness constraints: DEP-V MAX REALIZE-MORPHEME ... 23

  24. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics 3. Contiguity constraints: CONTIGUITYSTEM: /st p/ CONTIGUITYSTEM/AFFIX: /st p+z/, /l+z/ CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC: /m#pasa/, /pasa#m/ /l#pasa/, /pasa#l/ /l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/ CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC: /m#l+a#pasa/ 24

  25. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC>> DEP-V, ONSET, *CODA /m#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA a. me p sa *! * b. em p sa * * * /m#ataka/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA a. m at ka b. me at ka *! * * c. em at ka * * 25

  26. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC>> *COMPLEX CODA, *CODA /l#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA *CODA a. le p sa *! b. el p sa * /lz#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA CODA a. les p sa *! * b. els p sa * * 26

  27. I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics The emergency of the unmarked: relevant ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC>> ONSET, *CODA >> CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC /m#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL a. me p sa *! b. em p sa * * /m#l+a#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL a. me la p sa * * b. em la p sa * *! *! 27

  28. II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 3): 1. Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological process of epenthesis the 1stperson clitic: - has a single underlying form, /m/, & - different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints. 28

  29. II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 3): 1. Option 1): The results in m ataca [m at ka], em passa [em p sa] & me la passa [me la p sa] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles. The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral position are the same as the vowels appearing: in patrimonial words: centre center batre to hit in loanwords: stop /sent / /bat+ / /st p/ [sent e] [bat e] [est p] 29

  30. II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 3): 2. Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly 1stperson clitic: - has 3 different allomorphs: /m/, /em/ & /me/ - which are a) either chosen by mere stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints. 30

  31. II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 3): 2. Option 2b): Markedness constraints *CODA & ONSET favor the winning candidates m ataca [m at ka] or me la passa [me la p sa]. 31

  32. II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 3): 2. Option 2b): In a form such as em passa [em p sa] /{m, em, me}#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA a. me p sa b. em p sa *! *! ...it s not possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic. 32

  33. II. Underlying representation Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 3): 2. Option 2: Hence, at least in some cases, the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45). For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascar 1986, Bonet 2002). 33

  34. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Choice based on: 1. Segmental markedness (Palmada 1994): Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ ] Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] & sometimes [a] a) b) 2. Positional markedness (Lloret & Jim nez 2008, Jim nez & Lloret 2013). 34

  35. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: [i] [u] [e] [o] [ ] [ ] [ ] [a] 35

  36. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: [i] [e] [a] 36

  37. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy [i] [e] [a] 37

  38. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy *PEAK[i] [i] [e] *PEAK[e] [a] *PEAK[a] 38

  39. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy *PEAK[i] Unstressed peak hierarchy [i] [e] *PEAK[e] [a] *PEAK[a] 39

  40. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy *PEAK[i] Unstressed peak hierarchy *UNSTRPK[a] [i] [e] *PEAK[e] *UNSTRPK[e] [a] *PEAK[a] *UNSTRPK[i] 40

  41. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel List of possible vowels: Peak hierarchy & Unstressed peak hierarchy [i] *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a] [e] *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e] [a] *PEAK[a], *UNSTRPK[i] 41

  42. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Variety I: Standard Valencian 42

  43. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word- level Word-initially: [e]stop [e]spaguetis Elsewhere: centr[e] batr[e] (cf. centr-al) (cf. batr- I will hit ) 43

  44. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word- level & in the clitic group: Proclisis: [e]m passa m[e]l passa Enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l 44

  45. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e] /m#pasa/ *PEAK[i] *UNSTRPK[a] *PEAK[e] *UNSTRPK[e] a. am p sa *! b. em p sa * * c. im p sa *! 45

  46. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian (Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005) 46

  47. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel: at the word-level [a] word-initially: [a]stop [a]spaguetis [e] elsewhere: centr[e] batr[e] (cf. centr-al) (cf. batr- I will hit ) 47

  48. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group [a] in proclisis: [a]m passa m[a]l passa [e] in enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l 48

  49. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables are considered prominent (i.e. peaks) We can split the *UNSTRPK[ ] ranking in two, depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis: Proclisis: *UNSTRPKPR[a] >> *UNSTRPKPR[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[i] Enclisis: *UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *UNSTRPKEN[e] >> *UNSTRPKEN[i] And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general *PEAK[ ] ranking. 49

  50. III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPKEN[e] /pas #m/ *PEAK[i] *UNSTRPKEN[a] *PEAK[e] *UNSTRPKEN[e] a. pas ma *! * * b. pas me c. pas mi *! 50

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